The Lifecycle Of Pidgins And Creoles English Language Essay

The Lifecycle Of Pidgins And Creoles English Language Essay In reference to Hall, normal languages do not have life cycles, however, defining normal can be quite a complex and challenging task, especially when correctly categorising what language is normal. Hall attempts to define normal language as follows: One handed down from generation to generation through transference to children who learn it as their first language. (Quoted in Romaine, 1988, p 115) Pidgins tend to differ from this particular definition as in contrast to normal languages a pidgin usually comes into existence for a specific reason, lasts just as long as the situation that called in into being and then quickly goes out of use (Hall, p 115). A pidgin has the potential to gain a longer lifespan by evolving into a native language or becoming creolized and therefore acquiring the status of a normal language. When studying pidgins and creoles in detail, it rapidly becomes apparent that it is much more testing to study pidgins and creoles as two separate processes, rather than as two aspects of the same linguistic process, just at different stages. It has proven to be quite problematic for many researchers to specify accurately when a pidgin becomes a fully developed creole with a significant community of nativized speakers; however academics have developed a fairly precise continuum which states that a pidgin must traditionally experience four phases of development before winning the status of a creole. Throughout each phase, the language becomes much more complex and sophisticated, indicating features of a normal language. The developmental continuum is as follows: Jargon Stable Pidgin Expanded Pidgin Creole The first phase of the developmental continuum is the Jargon stage or prepidgin stage where vocabulary is extremely limited. The Jargon phase is the very beginning of the life cycle, where the purpose of the makeshift language is to merely form communication between two incomprehensible languages and is used in very limited domains, commonly trade and labour. Robertson (1948, Quoted in Romaine, 1988, p 118) however, suggests the idea that there is a pre-jargon stage where makeshift languages are instantly constructed on the spot out of a combination of gestures and speech. The example given to demonstrate this theory is the arrival of a European trade ship in Tahiti in 1767; à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦we made all the friendly signs that we could think of, and showed them several trinkets in order to get some of them on-boardà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦they paddled all round the ship and made signs of friendship to us by holding up Branches of Plantain trees, and making a long speech of near fifteen minutesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦but non of us could understand themà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦we made signs to them, to bring of Hogs, Fowls and fruit and showed them some coarse cloth, Knives sheers Beeds Ribons etc., and made them understand that we was willing to barter with them. (Robertson, 1948 as quoted in Romaine, 1988, p 118) The jargon phase itself is not a huge progression from the pre-jargon stage suggested by Robertson as sentences are only minimal; one or two words in length at maximum. Lexicon is exceptionally small and the sound system is very basic (Romaine, p 117). Labov (1970/1977) defines this phase as an ingenious and original mode of expression which combines knowledge of the native vernacular with an imperfect grasp of the other languages in the new environment (Labov, as quoted in Romaine, 1988, p 118-119). There is evidence of considerable variation throughout the jargon phase as it is a newly constructed pidgin with no set linguistic rules, often resulting in confusion and a near incomprehensible language. For example, instances have shown how different syntactical structures can be used to the lexical items employed. The illustration given by Romaine is one of a Japanese woman who travelled to Hawaii, speaking her own form of expression as quite an isolated individual, never acquiring th e Hawaii Pidgin English. The language which she chose to adopt under these circumstances consisted of a primarily Japanese syntax with both Japanese and English lexical items. Furthermore, in the jargon stage, there is what Silverstein (1972) (quoted by Romaine, 1988:120) labelled a double illusion a contact language relatable to both parties native languages. The example illustrated by Silverstein is as follows; à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦there is a particular jargon between the French and the Indians, which is neither French nor Indian, and nevertheless when the French use it, they think they are speaking Indian, and the Indians in taking it up think they are speaking good French. (Jeune, 1633) This jargon is described by Silverstein as one with an unsystematic nature and lack[s] independent grammatical norms, (Silverstein, as quoted by Romaine, 1988:120) though other scholars disagreed with this somewhat negative interpretation and insisted that it was a vital trade component. The following period of the pidgin-creole lifecycle is the Stable Pidgin phase, where language is used not only for communication but for self-expression also. There is a stronger sense of linguistic complexity at this stage as both simple and complex sentences are applied. The most suitable example of a pidgin that falls under this category is Russenorsk (Russo-Norwegian); a trade pidgin which was used in Northern Norway by Russian merchants and Norwegian fisherman during the Pomor trade. (Romaine, 1988:124) Russenorsk is unique when compared against other pidgin languages, considering its lifespan. Generally speaking, a pidgin lasts as long as its required and then becomes obsolete. The alternative possibility is for the pidgin to become creolized and acquire a community of native speakers. However, Russenorsk is an exceptional instance and unlike normal pidgins has existed for such a long period of time without creolizing. The time between the first attested occurrence of the lang uage (in a lawsuit in 1785) until its extinction at the time of the First World War and the Russian revolution is 141 years (Romaine, p 125). The most obvious cause for this anomaly is the fact that it was merely used as a seasonal trade language in the summer months; it never became a fully-functioning native language, nor did it fall out of use (until WW1). A stable pidgins lexicon remains fairly small in size; Russenorsks vocabulary consisted of a total of approximately 390 words, however, half of which only occurred once, resulting in a key vocabulary of about 150-200 words. It was a very concise language, showing no signs of any inflections or categories such as gender, number or tense. Also absent is the verb to have. As a result of this and the fact that terminology remarkably originated from a wide variety of languages such as Dutch, German, French, Swedish and Lappish as well as Russian and Norwegian, there was evidence of many doublets or parallel forms. For example; good/well could be spoken as bra, good, dobra, dobro or korosjo further adding confusion (Fox, 1973, as quoted by Romaine, 1988:126-7). Fascinatingly, Slobin (1977, as quoted by Romaine, p 129) uses Russenorsk as a prime example of a language extremely close to universal grammar. Universal grammar is a linguistic concept proposed by Chomsky that suggests the idea that the capability to learn and understand grammar can happen without being taught that it is a cognitive process that happens naturally. According to Bickertons language bioprogram theory (1996), the principle of Universal Grammar is linked to pidgin and creole languages because specific characteristics are common in all different languages, allowing foreign speakers of language to interact and form a new language (pidgin). One of the characteristics, given by example by Bickerton, is the way in which an interrogative sentence can be transformed into a declarative sentence through purely altering intonation. Like the jargon phase, there is still a degree of variation in the stable pidgin stage, especially in pronunciation, according to Broch and Jahr (1984, quoted by Romaine, p 129) who said that pronunciation varied depending on the language and dialect background of individual speakers. The penultimate stage of the pidgin-creole lifecycle is the Expanded Pidgin phase. Here, grammar becomes much more complex and speech tempo is increased. Language and discourse becomes evidently much more cohesive and consistent. It is used not only as a simple means of communication for trade purposes, but in everyday life for self-expression and literature. (Romaine 1988:138) Sankoff (1977, as quoted by Romaine, p 139) was interested in the comparison between normal languages and pidgins when investigating speech tempo. Her data showed that pidgins are vocalized at a slower rate than normal languages, largely due to the fact that pidgins are used merely as a second language to users and not as a first. It is only when a speaker becomes fluent in the language, does the tempo increase. Data that explores features of Tok Pisin (perhaps one of the most well-known expanded pidgins) shows that one of the features that separate a childs speech from adults is phonology. For instance, a child might condense syllables. The example given by Sankoff and Laberge (1973) is the phrase Mi go long haus (pronounced using four syllables by adults). However, they noticed that in comparison, a child is more likely to say Mi go l:aus, using only three syllable by shifting stress patterns. The concluding stage of the life-cycle is when the pidgin becomes creolized and takes on the identity of its dominant parent. However, according to Muhlhausler (1980), creolization does not necessarily have to take place at the final stage of the life-cycle, but can occur at any stage in the developmental continuum from jargon to expanded pidgin (as quoted by Romaine, p 154). He suggests that there are three possible varieties of creolization: Type 1: Jargon Creole Type 2: Jargon Stabilized pidgin Creole Type 3: Jargon Stabilized pidgin Expanded pidgin Creole Most known instances fall under Type 3 and are wide-spread creoles that are still fully-functioning and in use today such as Tok Pisin (spoken largely in Papua New Guinea as an official language and the most broadly used in that country) and West African Pidgin English. Some known instances fall under Type 2, however is much less common. Examples of Type 2 creoles include North Australian creoles and Torres Strait creoles (Romaine, p. 155). Cases of Type 1 creoles are currently non-existent. In contrast, Bickerton proposes an alternate view and suggests that creolization after stabilization of a pidgin is rare and in the majority of circumstances, pidgins have creolized whilst still being highly unstable in the early stages of development. So far, we have discussed the idea that creoles are formed from a pidgin which stabilizes. However, Bickerton goes even further to controversially suggest that there is no such link between pidgin and creole and that the development of a creole has more to do with the innate devices of a first language acquisition than with a gradual evolution from a pidgin. For example; Tok Pisin the lingua franca of Papua New Guinea had developed whilst co-existing alongside another language, therefore integrating many of its characteristics. However, what Bickerton labels the classic creole situation (where creole-speakers have been torn from their native cultures) differs from Tok Pisin as the majority of speakers could still rely on another langu age. (Bickerton, 1981, as quoted by Singh, 2000:52-53) DeCamp (1971) focuses his research on the fate of a creole upon reaching the end of the creole continuum. This particular area is not as thoroughly researched as earlier stages; however, DeCamp makes some attempt at outlining the potential routes a creole may take. These are: May well continue its status as a creole and remain unaffected, much like the Haitian Creole seems to have done. It may become obsolete. It may take on the identity of its dominant parent as a normal language. It may progressively combine with the national language as is happening in Jamaica (decreolization). (DeCamp, 1971, as quoted by Romaine, p 157). The post-creole continuum is as follows: Basilect Mesolect Acrolect The creole is what is meant by basilect, the national corresponding language is what is meant by acrolect and any transitional varieties in-between is what is referred to as the mesolect (Romaine, p 158). To go back to the question of the entire paper, is there a point at which a creole stops being a creole and takes on the identity of its dominant parent? We must look at the work of ODonnell and Todd (1980, as quoted by Romaine, p158), who points out that at the end of the continuum, we are not dealing with two distinct systems, but an unbroken spectrum between the pidgin or creole on the one hand, and the prestigious standard on the other. There is no point of the continuum where we find a sharp break between the varieties. Word Count: 2,120

Satanism

Satanism may signify an organized belief system or religion such as the Church of Satan. It may be seen just as a vague and dramatized concept of extreme insurgence against Western norms and conventions such as the so-called â€Å"Satanism† exhibited by some rock musicians. It may be a mythological sign of medieval religious thinking that still lingers in contemporary times. It may also be a deviant practice used to daunt and control others through ritual abuse (Francis King, 1989b). If Satanism is linked with ritual abuse, one can also say with assurance that not all ritual abuse is Satanic. Many of these abusive occurrences have been present in societies or under conditions where Satan is not a renowned spiritual or demonic entity. In earlier times, it was not uncommon for Western scholars and travelers to sometimes attribute the influence of Satan to primitive religious practices, which to them appeared to be idolatrous or violent. Even now, one occasionally hears the concept that if something is not Christian, it is the effect of Satan's power or seductiveness. The predecessors of Satanism can be found in ancient religions in which gods were worshipped, not because of their intrinsic goodness, but as of their perceived power. For example, the ancient Greek and Roman gods were such an amoral grouping of deities. Few showed many venerable character traits. These gods were often represented with all the foibles and veniality of mere mortals. Many of the cults dedicated to such gods and goddesses allegedly involved traumatizing rituals (e. g. , the mystery cults). On the other hand, some religions particularly worshipped and supplicated obviously evil deities. In other cases, what appears to be the adoration of an â€Å"evil deity† may simply symbolize the worship of a spiritual entity that no longer enjoys privileged status? There are examples in history in which a culture's demons were in fact past divinities, no longer revered, and sometimes given new and less striking roles. Such revolutions amongst the gods sometimes resulted from conquests, whereupon the new gods of the conquerors take the place formerly held by the gods of the conquered. In other instances, evil can be revered or worshipped outright. In cultures in which Christianity is established one might presume that the worship of evil would involve some devotion to Lucifer or Satan, the primary names given to the Euro-American spiritual depiction of evil. To many traditional Christians, Satan and Lucifer are equal but different names for the same demon. However, numerous theologians make the peculiarity that Lucifer is the name of Satan before his fall. The origins of Satanism are positively as obscure as any other occult belief system. One can never be specifically certain when such practices started. Yet, some of the historical accounts of Satanism in Europe may explain some of the evolution of thinking about Satanism. The history of Satanism can be traced to a variety of possible sources: (1) European witchcraft, sorcery, and shamanism, (2) Gnostic-derived religions (e. . , the Cathari) which viewed the established Church as an tyrannical adversary, (3) the general traditions of Western occultism (which are often seen as encircling a â€Å"dark† or â€Å"left-handed path†) and (4) what Francis King calls â€Å"the bad divinity of a minority of Roman Catholic priests† (Francis King , 1989b, p. 219 ). Though, whe n Satan was invented, he was found everywhere. For instance, Satan was attached to Adam and Eve as a sibling rivalry between Satan and the younger creatures of God. This combination of human and celestial opponents of God lastly culminated in the formative stages of the Antichrist legend, which speaks of the human embodiment of Satan (McGinn 1994: 10, 22-25; Pagels 1995: 43, 49; Russell 1977: 188-89). While the orthodox text shared some ideas of the dualistic conflict, particularly in Ezra's formulations, Satan obtained a key role in the conventional worldview only gradually, as an influence of the popular apocalyptic eschatology and a means in struggles for power (political or religious) between human beings ( McGinn 1994: 26). According to Elaine Pagels, Satan never shows in the Hebrew Bible as the leader of an evil empire, as a leader of antagonistic spirits who make war on God and humankind. As he first appears, Satan is not essentially evil. In the Book of Numbers and in Job he is one of God's obedient servants, a messenger or angel. The Satan describes an adversarial role, not a particular character. The Satan was any one of the angels sent by God for the explicit purpose of blocking or obstructing human activity; the root Satan means â€Å"one who opposes, obstructs, or acts as adversary†; the Greek term diabolos means â€Å"one who throws somewhat across one's path. So if the path is bad, an obstruction is good: Satan may simply have been sent by the Lord to protect a person from worse harm (Pagels 1995: 39-40, based, e. g. , on Numbers 22: 23-25). Job's Satan takes a more adversarial role; Satan’s special role in the blissful court is that of a kind of roving intelligence agent, like those whom numerous Jews of the time would have known and disliked from the king of Persia's complex system of secret police and intelligence officers. These agents roamed the realm looking for signs of infidelity amongst the people. God boasts to Satan concerning one of his most loyal subjects; Satan then challenges the Lord to put Job to the test. Job withstands the tests, and the Lord restores the affluences of Job giving him twice as much as he had before (Pagels 1995: 41, based on Job 2: 3, 42: 10). Around the time Job was written c. 550 B. C. E. , other biblical writers invoked Satan to account for sharing out within Israel. One court historian slips Satan into an account regarding the origin of census taking, which King David introduced into Israel c. 1000 B. C. E. or the point of instituting taxation, which aroused fervent and immediate opposition. Aim on condemning David's action without condemning the king openly, the author of 1 Chronicles suggests that a supernatural adversary within the divine court had managed to penetrate the royal house and led the king himself into sin: â€Å"Satan stood up against Israel and incited David to number the people† ( Pagels 1995: 42-43, based on 1 Chron. 21:1) . Most societies have a variety of demons, spirits, or gods, which are morally ambivalent that is to say, the gods can be kind or unkind to humankind. One might argue that this amoral or dimoral polytheism fits the human experience of the universe well: we see things happening mysteriously, without reason, for good or ill, and call it fate, chance, or an â€Å"act of God. † Few religions have one figure particularly symbolizing evil, although Buddha's tempter Mara comes close. No religion has a single individual personifying evil except those of the Jewish-Christian-Muslim (and â€Å"Zoroastrian†) tradition, which have Satan or the Devil. The problem of evil faces every worldview, but none so expressively as great monotheistic religions. Theologically the problem is just stated. God is all-powerful and all-good. But an all-powerful, all-good God would not permit evil in the cosmos he creates. Therefore evil cannot exist. But we view that evil exists. We are therefore forced to refuse the existence of God (at least as great monotheistic religions define it) or meet the criteria of our definition. If we choose the latter, we can save God's pure goodness by restraining his omnipotence, or else save his power by qualifying his goodness. This is a sharp theological choice; few theologians choose to face it that overtly. To avoid this choice, a variety of strategies have been working over the millennia. One solution, however unacceptable philosophically, is to resort to the notion of a spiritual power aggressive to God, such as Satan. The Old Testament has comparatively few references to Satan as a personality. Most Hebrew thought before the second century B. C. E. established destruction and suffering as originating in God's inscrutable will. But some Old Testament passages lent themselves to an interpretation that unexplained spiritual powers, subordinate to a God, often did disparaging things. In some passages — most radically in the Book of Job — this power is portrayed as having a self-governing, malevolent existence. The idea of the Devil, very fuzzy in the Old Testament, becomes clear and pointed in the era from the second century B. C. E. to the second century C. E. One reason is the power of Iranian dualism. The ancient Iranian religion of Mazdaism (sometimes called Zoroastrianism) had its origins in the teachings of Zarathushtra, a prophet whose dates are unknown. It is a dualist religion, elucidating evil by positing a frequent cosmic warfare between the God of Light and the God of Darkness. Mazdaism had some influence in Babylonia, where Hebrew in Exile was liberated by Iranian Shah Cyrus. A propensity toward dualism seems also to have grown indigenously amongst Jews, as they developed a darker view of the world throughout the times they were invaded, enslaved, and persecuted by a diversity of conquerors — Egyptians, Assyrians, Babylonians, Persians, Greeks, and finally Romans. The Jews reacted to this anguish partly by blaming it on their own sins (a stance of the great prophets), but partially by blaming exterior forces. The Devil or his deputies were the influential spirits backing evil Gentiles against the Chosen People. Some Jewish sects, such as the Essenes, conceived (like the Mazdaists) of a vast extraterrestrial warfare between the Lord of Light and the Prince of Darkness, a warfare in which each nation and each person was called to stand on one side or the other. For Jewish apocalyptic, the cosmic struggle was coming to its end; there would be one last, vast war between sons of dusk and sons of light, and then the good God would triumph everlastingly. In the context of this profoundly dualistic Jewish thought, Christianity came into being. Ideas similar to those of apocalyptic writers emerge in the Christian Gospels, notably the Gospel of John, with its images of light against darkness, in miracle stories of Jesus' capability to cast out and defeat demons and their leader the Devil, and in the Book of Revelation (The Apocalypse). However, after the obliteration of Jerusalem by Romans in 70 C. E. , and the diaspora of the Jews, Pharisees were left as the surviving leading Jewish group. Their custom downplayed Satan's power so much that he infrequently appears in works of the rabbis, though he does retain a presence in Jewish folklore. Although Judaism downplayed Satan's power, Messianic trends that faded in Judaism after 70 C. E. remained strong in Christianity. For Christianity, Jesus was the Messiah. In Christian thought, God is good. Opposed by the Devil, he sends Jesus his Messiah to obliterate the Devil's power. Unlike many Jewish sects, such as the Zealots, Christians supposed that the Messiah was not a military victory over Satan and gentile nations, but to a certain extent the Suffering Servant, who took upon himself all sins of the people and, in dying for them, broke Satan's power. Almost all early Christian writers granted Satan great power all through the cosmos and also in the life of each human. Christ and Satan vie for each soul, and each person should choose between them. Like Judaism, Christianity is a monotheistic religion. But by using the Devil to explicate the existence of evil, some early Christian groups, such as Gnostic sects of the first two centuries C. E. , pulled powerfully in the way of dualism. For them, Satan was an anti-God of enormous power. This power was to be fought, banished, and struggled against. But as it was so vast, Satan's power could also be influenced, harnessed to one's own will, even, in extreme cases, worshipped. There was no planned Satanism in early Christianity, but some Gnostic sects seem to have verged on it by working orgiastic rites. In the l5th-century, French baron and onetime marshal of France, Gilles de Rais, was found to have affianced in numerous mortal and sadistic acts, some of which were alleged to be associated with strange rituals in which he was assisted by Francesco Prelatti, a Florentine priest and occultist. Gilles de Rais was noted to be a man whose temperament and personality seemed to be extremely erratic at different times. Sometimes noted for his kindness, he was notable for his bravery in his military assistance of Joan of Arc. However, there was a great deal of dependable testimony provided by witnesses as well as material substantiation pointing to his guilt. According to Francis King, Satanism was adequately prevalent in 16th- and l7th-century France that its presence was noted by the police: It is difficult to know how widespread such Satanist activities were among the nonmonastic clergy of the middle Ages, but they seem to have become common in the 16th and17th centuries. Exactly how common, no one knows, but if the rest of Catholic Europe was anything like the ecclesiastical underworld of Paris at that time, then they were very common indeed. For in France Satanism had attained the status of big business, its practitioners forming a kind of occult Mafia, a noisome octopus with tentacles which reached into almost every segment of Parisian society and which was uncovered by Nicolas de la Reynie, the Police Commissioner of Paris. (Francis King, 1989b, pp. 219 – 220) The books of Church of Satan founder Anton LaVey (1969) were actually strongly influenced by this â€Å"occult tradition. † (LaVey also popularized the â€Å"satanic pentagram,† the five-pointed star with one point downward and the head of a goat overlaid. There is a temptation to dismiss antisatanists' claims as illusive; as sociologist Marcello Truzzi says, â€Å"Satanists are better scapegoats than Jews, because they don't exist (in Lyons, 1988:179). Though the vast conspiracy criticized by the antisatanist campaign may be exaggerated, Satanists do exist; there are members of controlled Satanist churches in our society. These Satanist groups are significant to the antisatanist movement: they provide a â€Å"kernel of truth† that antisatanists can expose. Groups such as Anton LaVey's Church of Satan â€Å"prove† that the satanic threat exists. The Church of Satan is not large; estimates range from 2000 to 5000 active members (Melton 1986:77; Lyons 1988:115). Still, the publicity showered on LaVey since he established his San Francisco church in 1966 has made him and his group a part of American popular culture. Almost everyone knows about LaVey's church, even though it is quite small. What the Church lacks in size it has made up for in attention paid to it as well as its activities. Anton LaVey, a bright character with a flair for the dramatic, gained substantial publicity by performing satanic weddings of famous people, satanic baptisms of children, and satanic last rights for a sailor member who died — all intentionally staged as media events. LaVey sought celebrities as members, and for a time claimed such stars as Sammy Davis, Jr. and Jayne Mansfield as dynamic participants, gaining national attention as a result (Lyons 1988). There is substantial debate about what the Church of Satan stands for, and what its members believe. Some analysts treat the Church as a spoof, intentionally designed to upset Christians. Others take it more critically, and look to LaVey's writings, such as his The Satanic Bible (LaVey 1969), to understand his philosophy. The church actively rejects spirituality and mysticism of any sort; it espouses an exclusive, materialist, and essentially atheistic philosophy. â€Å"Satan constitutes a worship of one's own ego†¦. In its major features, the Church of Satan takes a position of Extreme Machiavellianism and cynical-realism on the way to the nature of man†¦. Its major feature†¦ is its emphasis upon the significance of myth and magic and upon their collision in a world of people who can still be influenced through such beliefs and emotions. This Satanist then is the ultimate pragmatist†. (Truzzi 1974:220) Moody ( 1974) discusses the Church of Satan's redefinition of Christianity's seven fatal sins — greed, pride, envy, anger, greed, lust, and sloth — as virtues within satanic religion. Melton (1988:145) describes satanic churches' relationship to Christianity: Satanism is rationally subsequent to Christianity and draws on it in representing an overthrow of the Christian deity approving of his adversary. It stands in polemical relation to Christianity and†¦ Uses Christian elements, which are changed and given new meaning. Although LaVey's Church of Satan is the most observable satanic church, others exist. The Temple of Set, a small off-shoot group planned by Michael Aquino, a former disciple of LaVey, has attracted attention (Melton 1989:805; Lyons 1988:125). The small size of these organized satanic groups is less significant than the cultural meaning attached to them. As a radical rejection of Christian culture, they are representatively significant. Their very presence has put in to the concern about Satanism in America. Satan stories were connected to practical and political issues. As Russell (1977: 222) properly maintains, the figure of Satan in the New Testament is understandable only while it is seen as the counterpart or counter principle of Christ; accordingly, Russell adds, â€Å"the New Testament teaches that the Kingdom of God is at war with the Kingdom of the Devil†. Furthermore, Pagels documents, the vision of enormous struggle were developed by sectarian groups like the Essenes as they struggled against the forces they saw ranged against them. The dualistic cosmology was traited as split society, where sons of light, allied with the angels, and sons of darkness, in league with the control of evil, were in violent conflict. Pagels further retains that followers of Jesus adopted the same prototype in their campaigns. According to Pagels, Mark tells the story of Jesus as the disagreement between God's spirit and the power of Satan. Mark underlines that Jesus encountered this opposition not simply from evil spirit but from evil people as well. Mark's Satan is not an antagonistic power assailing Israel from outside the community but the source and symbol of conflict within the community (Pagels 1995: 12, 17, 34, 38; based on Mark 3: 23-27, 16: 5-7). Satan is described as the embodiment of pure evil. Such a Satanic theology would feature goodness to the Judeo-Christian God, but Satanists worship Satan as perceived to be more powerful or because the cultist might view himself or herself as being past redemption by a benign deity. In this system of thinking, goodness itself is typified as a weak, ineffective, and futile goal. Spence describes a similar dichotomy in views of Satanism and Luciferianism although he defines his terms slightly differently: Concerning the cults of Lucifer, much discrimination is required in dealing with this aspect, the bulk of the literature on the subject being manifestly imaginative and often willfully misleading. The members of the church of Lucifer are of two groups, those who regard the deity they adore as the evil principle, thus approximating to the standpoint of the Satanists, and those who look upon him as the true god in opposition to Adonai or Jehovah, whom they regard as an evil deity who has, with fiendish ingenuity, miscreated the world of man to the detriment of humanity. . (http://www. satanservice. org/propaganda/acad. 80sa. txt ) Though, in contemporary world, satanic symbols and themes are observable and popular features of music, literature, and movies. Increasing numbers of reported survivors are coming forward to assert they are victims of such cults. Are these reports just rumors or fantasies, or are people being harmed by ritual abuse? Unless we seriously consider these reports, we will never know for certain.

Exterminate All the Brutes Summary

Lindqvist has written more than thirty books of essays, aphorisms, autobiography, documentary prose, travel and reportage.. [4][3] He occasionally publishes articles in the Swedish press, writing for the cultural supplement of the largest Swedish daily, Dagens Nyheter, since 1950. [5] He is the recipient of several of Sweden's most prestigious literary and journalistic awards. His work is mostly non-fiction, including (and often transcending) several genres: essays, documentary prose, travel writing and reportages. 4] He is known for his works on developing nations in Africa and the Saharan countries, China, India, Latin America and Australia. In the 1960s, partly inspired by the works of Hermann Hesse, Linqvist spent two years in China. He became fascinated by the legend of the Tang dynasty painter, Wu Tao Tzu, who, when standing looking at a mural of a temple he had just completed, â€Å"suddenly clapped his hands and the temple gate opened. He went into his work and the gates clo sed behind him. [6] His later works, from the late 1980s, tend to focus on the subjects of European imperialism, colonialism, racism, genocide and war, analysing the place of these phenomena in Western thought, social history and ideology. These topics are not uncontroversial. In 1992, Lindqvist was embroiled in heated public debate, when his book Exterminate all the Brutes was attacked for its treatment of the Second World War and the Holocaust. 4] Opponents accused Lindqvist of reducing the extermination of the Jewish people to a question of economical and social forces, thereby disregarding the impact of Nazi ideology and anti-Semitism and what they viewed as the unique historical specificity of the Holocaust. [4] Some of the harshest attacks were launched by Per Ahlmark, who declared Lindqvist to be a â€Å"Holocaust revisionist†. This prompted a furious response by Lindqvist, who considered it a defamatory smear — at no point had he ever called into question the N azi responsibility for, or the number of dead in, the Holocaust.Regarding the original dispute, Lindqvist retorted that his main argument was correct: the Nazi quest for Lebensraum had at its core been an application of the expansionist and racist principles of imperialism and colonialism, but for the first time applied against fellow Europeans rather than against the distant and dehumanized peoples of the Third World. [4] However, he agreed that the long tradition of anti-Semitism in European and Christian thought had given the anti-Jewish campaign of the Nazis a further ideological dimension, and amended later editions of the book to better reflect this. [4]

Mahatma Gandhi vs. Mao Essay - 1554 Words

Gandhi vs. Mao Mao and Gandhi became key leaders in each of their countries, India and China. Although they both wanted very similar things to happen to their countries, they used very different tactics. The main points in their rules where economical, political and social. And all points affected their people in many ways. First, to make each of their countries stronger economically Ghandi and Mao changed laws and broke rules. During the British rule in India there was a salt tax, which made it very hard for the people of china to buy salt, but it was illegal for them to make their own salt. Because Ghandi did not think this tax was righteous, on. In 1930, March 12th, he and eighty other people walked in the salt march. The salt†¦show more content†¦Mao used violence and killed many of the landlords so that the people of the countryside could become more powerful economically, but Gandhi used peaceful protests and never wanted to use violence or war against the British. (China in Revolution Video-Dr. Sue Williams, China Guidance Packet), (Gandhi-the film), (China Guidance Packet), (India Guidance Packet). These are my resources. Second, to make each of their countries stronger politically, Ghandi and Mao generally treated the people equally, and changed key parts of the old ways which gained each of them political support. Gandhi, held peaceful protests, such as passbook burnings that he first created in South Africa. Mao on the other hand, known for not being a great speaker reached out and gained support by the things he did. He, gave his people better education, gave woman more rights, by stopping the foot binding. Took out Confucianism and said that people could marry for love not because the man wanted to marry a women or a marriage being arranged. Although they used theses tactics in similar ways they were different in the ways that they lived. For example Mao gave women rights, ironically however kept many young girls with him at home and slept with them, and a more common phrase for the things that he did where his Friday night dances. Gandhi on the other hand became celibate, which means that he wou ld not haveShow MoreRelatedOne Significant Change That Has Occurred in the World Between 1900 and 2005. Explain the Impact This Change Has Made on Our Lives and Why It Is an Important Change.163893 Words   |  656 Pagespatterns appeared in Western Europe and Japan. The economies of these developed regions were shifting out of manufacturing into services. China was the great exception, demonstrating continuous growth in urban manufacturing. By 1980, the new post-Mao administration under Deng Xiaoping instituted new policies for economic development through urban growth. Boldly, Deng opened the country to foreign investment, much of it from Taiwan, Japan, and Chinese expatriates living overseas, and much of itRead MoreManagement Course: Mba−10 General Management215330 Words   |  862 Pagessomehow to the situation he or she is in and to the nature of the followers. This view is consistent with the situational approach taken throughout this book, yet is barely widely accepted. The belief does not easily fade away that General Patton, Mahatma Gandhi, Vince Lombardi, Golda Meir, and Martin Luther King—or the heads of AOL, GM, Microsoft, and John Hancock—must have had exactly the same qualities. Throughout this and the next chapter, we will be using the terms manager and leader interchangeably